Freeport and Jokowi's Tactics in the West Papua Liberation Struggle

Mama Yosepha Alomang, Kredit ilustrasi: Alit Ambara (Nobodycorp)

In 2009, the government passed Law No. 4 of 2009 on mineral and coal mining. Jokowi has stressed since late last year to enforce this legislation, in which case this will affect the position of PT Freeport Indonesia within the country of Indonesia. Since signing a preliminary contract with the Soeharto regime, PT Freeport Indonesia basically has an equal position with the state. In other words, PT Freeport Indonesia is a country within the state.

PT Freeport Indonesia is not satisfied with Jokowi's decision to start applying the law later this year, as they feel they still have a contract that gives him a position equal to the state until 2020. PT Freeport Indonesia's concentrate export permit has been exhausted since January 12, and was not renewed by Jokowi as a measure to pressure PT Freeport Indonesia to build a new smelter, concentrate refining industry, domestically.

Due to the non-renewal of the permit, PT Freeport Indonesia reduces its mining exploitation expenditure considering there is only one smelter in Gresik and its capacity is only able to absorb about 40 percent or 64 thousand tons of ore per day. This resulted in many dismissals and dismissals of PT Freeport Indonesia workers. As many as 10 percent of expatriates were dismissed and 12,000 permanent workers were downgraded to contract workers since February 20.

Indonesia under Jokowi regime also demanded divestment of 51 percent stake in PT Freeport Indonesia. It is planned to be distributed to investors and national capitalists. Not to forget, the district where PT Freeport Indonesia shelter, Mimika, promised shares of 10-20 percent. This Jokowi divestment demand affects PT Freeport Indonesia's plan in collaboration with UK corporation Rio Tinto to make underground mining replace the previously open mining exploitation model.

On the other hand, one of Freeport McMoran's top shareholders in the US is Donald Trump's advisor. As for the opposition political figures in Indonesia today, it is certain to have connections and sympathy with the Trump regime, both in political and business relationships, such as Fadli Zon, Setya Novanto, Tanoesoedibjo Day, etc.

The confusion of PT Freeport Indonesia with Jokowi regime is not wasted by Papuan national liberation campaign movement, such as FRI-West Papua along with Papuan Student Alliance and many other sympathizers. The voiced demands are not kidding, the Papuan national liberation campaign and the closure of PT Freeport Indonesia which has been exploiting many of its natural and human resources.

However, there was one protest with a discordant voice first riding this chaotic wave, calling their group Freeport Caring Solidarity Movement, demanding to re-export the export license to PT Freeport Indonesia for its operational continuity. In line with that, the local government in Mimika helped support the demands by forming a special team to apply for export permits to the central government. It also appears that Freeport's solidarity act of freedom does not get repressive action from the military occupying the civil sphere in Papua.

Economically, PT Freeport Indonesia's activities contribute Mimika's local revenue up to 91 percent. A position of "monopoly" of the local economy, which affects the rejection of loans by Bank Papua for its clients who work as contract workers in PT Freeport Indonesia, as many as 3000 people.

Jokowi Settings

The growing aspiration of the Papuan people to demand the liberation of West Papua from Indonesian-American imperialism illustrates a national movement that will become increasingly difficult to contain if the Jokowi regime does not immediately take the middle ground. The spread of military barracks and their organic apparatus is deemed irrelevant by the increasing incessant exposure of Indonesian military atrocities to civil society in Papua.

The approach to bonapartisan mode seems to be slowly replaced by incorporating national bourgeois elements in the natural resource dispute of Papua and its people. Jokowi sees no opportunity to bargain by using PT Freeport Indonesia shares divestment to the national even local bourgeoisie. The hope is to tame the mass movement demanding the national liberation of Papua through the intervention of the national bourgeoisie and regional apparatus which will also be given a share of PT Freeport Indonesia.

However, Jokowi's new approach also has the potential to get opposition from old investors of PT Freeport Indonesia and the political opponents of the Jokowi regime in opposition, mostly related to the right populist parties and Trump cronies as well as proximity to the Cendana family. Early preparation of the right populist political scene on this religious identity is also very clearly colored in the Jakarta pilgub war which is staying digadang as the next presidential election.

It is undeniable that the demands for Papuan national liberation are one of them thanks to the economic impetus in which Papuans are dianak-tirikan. But Jokowi's protectionist move to spread stocks inside the country and try to create jobs through his country's smelters appears deadlocked, with the demands of FRI-West Papua and sympathizers firmly declaring to shut down Freeport's operations in Papua. A radical gesture that denotes a rejection of the capitalist game and the capitalist economy.

Left Role As Political Leadership Movement

Three-way war has appeared in the eyelids. The pull of the liberal-democratic power of the Jokowi regime with the right populist opposition in parliament on the one hand, and the struggle of the oppressed Papuan people against the imperialism of the brown skin over the Papuans, on the other.

It is not impossible that this left struggle was hijacked by the right populist groups to attract sympathy and cornering the government for victory in the upcoming presidential election. Like the Republican victory in the US from Democrats because of the promises of programs that appeal to the working class.

The war of power in parliament is a war between pro-capital factions, the triumph of one of them will still be a victory for the capitalist class and will still harm the working class.

However, the struggle for national liberation is not enough with the agitation of the working class, students and Papuans. The development of the transition program with the working class in general in Indonesia is a necessity as a force capable of stopping the economy and the profit agenda for capitalists.

Therefore, the leadership of Papua's national liberation movement needs to have a clear course, the socialist agenda as an alternative to capitalism. It is not impossible that this wave of struggle will lead to the formation of a revolutionary party of socialism, while pressuring the government to nationalize mining owned by PT. Freeport Indonesia in particular and other industries in general, of course by providing democratic control over these industries under the control of the workers. Reject any capital intervention in decision making and voice to establish work committees, people's committees as democratic bodies to design their political and economic duties.

Nationalizing Industry In line with National Liberation

The demands of nationalizing industry under the working class are in fact brought together with the establishment of a workers state. This can not be won if the class that controls the kingdom is a class of investors. So the struggle to nationalize the means of production must reach all layers of the working class and the oppressed people, in this context the working class in Indonesia, the Indonesian workers and Papuan workers equally colonized by the Indonesian imperialists. If we look back at the triumph of the Russian revolution of 1917, workers of various nationalities, from Russia, Poland, Ukraine, Belarus, Finland, Trans-Caucasian and others, under the Tsar colonies united in the workers' revolutionary movement to overthrow its bourgeois rule and replace it with the workers' state as well as rolling out national liberation in former areas of the former Tsar colony so that the people and their workers can determine their own destiny.

The history lesson suggests that a country under the control of the working class has no problem giving the right of self-determination to fellow working class. The working class in Indonesia certainly also has no problem with national liberation as a form of solidarity to workers of various ethnic backgrounds, especially Papuan workers. The working class enemy is not a working class of different ethnicities or backgrounds. The main enemy of the working class is the capitalist class who oppress workers for their benefit, be it foreign investors, Indonesian investors, and local Papuan investors.

Another scenario can be taken, if the people of Papua succeed to self-determination and exit from the Indonesian colony of investors first, then the agenda to nationalize the mining industry and other industries under the control of Freeport Papuan workers is a must in running a new workers. To lead the development of the workers' state toward socialism with the working class democratic control on its economic planning.

We hereby, the International Committee of Workers, called for: the expansion of movement and solidarity with all working class and oppressed people in Indonesia to raise collective political consciousness. This is a path that must be taken to paralyze imperialism and capitalism, whether in Papua land in particular and in Indonesia in general. Certainly not forgetting the main passion for uniting the forces of the working class around the world with the cry, "The working class of the whole world is united!" ***

The author is active in the International Committee of Workers